A PREVENTIVE APPROACH TO PRE AND POST ELECTION VIOLENCE IN CONTEMPORARY NIGERIA: A REVIEW OF 2007 TO 2015 DEMOCRATIC ERA

Election Violence


TABLE OF CONTENT

CHAPTER ONE

1.1 Background to the study

1.2 Statement of the problem

1.3 Objective of the study

1.4 Significance of the study

1.5 Research question

1.6 Scope and limitation of the study

1.7 Statement of hypotheses

1.8 Definition of terms

CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

2. 1 Introduction

2.2 Conceptual frameworks

2.3 Theoretical frameworks

2.4 Elections in the pre-independence years

2.4.1 Historical context of electoral violence in nigeria since independence

2.5 The 2007 election and violence

2.6 The 2011 election and violence

2.7 The 2015 general elections and violence

2.7.1 The postponement that heightened tension

2.7.2 Poactive measures to checkmate outbreak of violence

2.7.3 Reported incidence of, and invitation to violence in the 2015 elections

2.7.4 Sustaining the gains of the 2015 for future elections

2.8 Incidence of electoral violence in nigeria

2.9 Causes of pre and post-election violence in nigeria and the way forward

2.9.1 The way forward

CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction

3.2 Research design

3.4 Population of the study

3.5 Study samples and sampling techniques

3.6 Sources of data

3.7 Data collection techniques

3.8 Validity of data

CHAPTER FOUR: DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

4.1 Introduction

4.2 Analysis of general data

4.2.1 Section: analysis of politicians’ opinions

4.2.2 Section b: analysis of views of the electorate

4.2.3 Oral interview for politicians

4.2.4 Overview of findings

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Summary of findings

Assumption no 2

5.2 Conclusion

Bibliography

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

The challenges of pre and post-election violence seem to be ever-more present as complexities of nation-building and democratic development arise. convergence—electoral violence and its implications to the democratization process—has received much less attention from academics, perhaps because large scale political violence is commonly associated with autocratic regimes, whereas, all the beautiful attributes of what the electoral process should mean for a democratic society cannot be associated with Nigeria. Nigerian electoral history has not been a pleasant one. Nigerians have participated in many elections, beginning with the colonial era when the concept of elections was first introduced. The electorate has also grown from about 5,000 adults with 100 pounds sterling income per annum as qualification to be eligible to vote, to over 70 million voters of 18 years of age and above. Elective posts have also increased tremendously and electoral referees have also changed from being members of the colonial service whose electoral duties were part time assignments to being members of an independent electoral commission on full time employment. Yet, since its attainment of independence in 1960, Nigeria has been bedevilled by political instability fuelled largely by an electoral process in crisis. The country and her leaders have refused to learn from history and avoid the pitfalls of past mistakes in order to pave the pathway for a secure political future. Rather, they have continued to perpetuate the worst forms of our political processes characterized by ugly incidents of political hugger and violence, electoral malpractices both at political party level and general elections, unending law suits, crisis of legitimacy, instability and chaos, Anifowose (1982); Election Violence

Over the time of Nigeria’s existence as an independent nation-state, all these negative attributes of her political processes have often provided compelling reasons for military adventurists to seize power from its civilian collaborators. Without any fear of contradiction, the problems associated with the first pre and post-independence national election of 1964 and the 1965 Western Region election culminated in the January 15, 1966 coup. The former was characterized by wide spread rigging, intimidation and chaos that some of the major political parties decided to boycott the election, creating in its aftermath serious constitutional dilemma. The latter election of the Western Region was also marred by the problem of massive rigging and other irregularities plus wide spread violence, giving the impetus for the first military coup in Nigeria and the culture of instability that was to beset the country for over three decades. Election Violence

Other elections that have taken place in Nigeria after the 1964 and 1965 elections have not fared better. The 1979 elections that saw the emergence of Mallam Shehu Shagari as Civilian president was criticized by international observers as having been massively rigged. The 1983 election, four years later was even worse, marred by corruption, political violence and polling irregularities; it provided another set of military adventurers the impetus to seize power on December 31, 1983, citing electoral malpractices as one of its reasons for overthrowing the civilian government. The 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015 elections, five elections conducted during this period of seventy years of Nigeria’s democracy have been lampooned by many critics as far from free and fair. In fact, the general election of April 2007, conducted by the existing current electoral body, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has been described as the worst election ever held in this country as a result of indescribable irregularities which marred the elections and the 2011 general election was not different in all ramifications. This also pushes a signal for forthcoming general election of 2015 in Nigeria. Election Violence

Perhaps the freest and fairest election in the history of Nigeria was the June 12, 1993 election that was annulled by General Ibrahim Babangida, erstwhile self-styled military President of Nigeria. Unfortunately, the country was deprived of the opportunity of taking advantage of this successful achievement to launch itself on the road to true democracy by a greedy and rabid political and military class interested in perpetuating itself in power. The vital lesson though from this experience, is that a sound electoral process is dependent on having a solid democratic infrastructure in place and vice versa. Election Violence